“You men have achieved a miracle.” That was Franklin Sonn, democratic South Africa’s first ambassador to the US, speaking to a conference of headmasters of public boys’ schools in the early 2000s.
He was referring to the achievement of these schools and many others in transforming the racial profile of their student bodies, while continuing to provide an educational experience comparable to the best private institutions. In the two decades since Sonn made that comment, most former “Model C” schools have consolidated and strengthened their contribution to society.
It is often forgotten that white schools were not opened to all races by the incoming ANC government in 1994. This happened in late 1990 under Piet Clase, the last minister of education in the “own affairs” House of Assembly under apartheid.
Having released Nelson Mandela in February 1990, the National Party government of FW de Klerk could see the writing on the wall for segregated education. In effect, it decided to try to proactively manage deracialisation of schools, rather than have it imposed.
Three models were offered to parent communities, represented by school governing bodies.
Under Model A, schools could become independent, receive no state funding (or very little) and rely on school fees, donations and fundraising. They would have control over admissions, staffing and curriculum (within broad state guidelines). Few schools chose this privatisation route, since it meant losing government subsidies.
However, some leading schools in affluent areas took the Model A option, including the Afrikaans-medium boys’ school Helpmekaar and Laerskool Jan Celliers, both in Joburg. The government realised that the state sector could lose its leading institutions, and soon scrapped Model A.
It’s estimated that parents, donors and former scholars have provided hundreds of billions of rand to support what are still officially public schools
Model B referred to fully state schools, with admission open to learners of all races. Many white schools took this route until it became clear that the state did not have the resources to maintain the schools and keep teacher-pupil ratios low.
Most schools with well-resourced parent bodies chose Model C, where the state paid teachers’ salaries up to a ceiling, with parents responsible for additional funding (infrastructure, extra teachers, facilities) and empowered to charge fees to support this expenditure. The term “Model C” fell away officially but it lingers on in the public discourse.
The former Model C schools typically charge annual fees of between R24,000 and R60,000. In the best-funded institutions, parents pay roughly 40% of what is charged by leading private schools.
In the more than three decades of semi-privatised school education, it’s estimated that parents, donors and former scholars have provided hundreds of billions of rand to support what are still officially public schools. The state still appoints principals and senior staff, and as a general rule pays the salaries of about 50% of the teachers. Beyond that, everything from printers to paint to swimming pools is paid for by the parents.
As the provincial departments of education — which are the administrative agencies for all primary and secondary schools — struggle with declining budgets to pay for teachers and to provide and maintain infrastructure, it is worth noting the extent to which parents of all races have relieved the government of some of the funding burden (with no easing of their own tax burden).
Without the radical financial transformation of the sector, social transformation would have failed. Not even the significant pockets of excellence in public education that still exist would have survived. That is the enduring nature of Sonn’s miracle.
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